Category: News Room

Si la France veut avoir une chance se réindustrialiser et de se doter d’un système productif efficace, elle n’a d’autre choix que de mettre les bouchées doubles dans les nouvelles technologies. Par Jacques Moulin, directeur général du think tank IDATE DigiWorld.

22 Déc 2021

Par Le Figaro avec AFP

Le chef de la diplomatie européenne Josep Borrell a déclaré lundi redouter une «intégration de fait» à la Russie des régions de l’Ukraine non contrôlées par Kiev. «Je suis de plus en plus préoccupé par la situation dans les régions non contrôlées par Kiev, car elles s’écartent de plus en plus de l’Ukraine et se rapprochent de plus en plus de la Russie», a-t-il expliqué lors d’une audition par la Commission des Affaires étrangères du Parlement européen.

La région du Donbass, dans l’est de l’Ukraine, pourrait notamment se voir progressivement intégrée «de fait» à la Russie, a expliqué Josep Borrell aux eurodéputés, réunis à Strasbourg pour une session plénière du Parlement. Depuis sept ans, cette zone est déchirée par une guerre entre Kiev et des séparatistes prorusses, et le règlement politique du conflit, prévu par les accords de Minsk de 2015, est dans l’impasse. «La concentration par la Russie de forces à la frontière de l’Ukraine est liée à cette intégration (…) Une attaque massive en Ukraine n’est pas le scénario le plus probable, mais il existe d’autres moyens d’attaquer, comme les cyberattaques», a commenté Josep Borrell.

L’Ukraine a justement été victime, dans la nuit de jeudi à vendredi, d’un vaste piratage informatique ciblant les sites internet de plusieurs ministères. Kiev a assuré dimanche avoir des «preuves» de l’implication de la Russie dans cette cyberattaque. «Nous travaillons sur au moins sept scénarios différents. Je ne pense pas que nous allons immédiatement passer au pire scénario, mais il y en a plusieurs dans lesquels la situation pourrait être suffisamment dangereuse pour nécessiter un état d’alerte permanent», a jugé Josep Borrell.

Les Européens espèrent encore convaincre le président russe Vladimir Poutine de renoncer à une invasion de l’Ukraine, mais ils ont commencé vendredi à préparer de «lourdes» sanctions pour l’en «dissuader», lors d’une réunion informelle jeudi et vendredi à Brest (ouest de la France). Souhaitant affirmer leur crédibilité vis-à-vis de l’allié américain, ils ont rappelé leur mise en garde contre les conséquences d’une nouvelle agression militaire russe contre l’Ukraine. «Elle aura des conséquences et un coût par le biais de sanctions», a souligné Josep Borrell. Ces dernières seront discutées lors d’une réunion des ministres européens des Affaires étrangères le 24 janvier à Bruxelles, a-t-il précisé.

Lire l’article original sur le site du Figaro

POSTED ON JANUARY 10, 2022

Nuclearelectrica has managed to continue or to develop major investment projects in 2021 whilst increasing its perspectives on the capitals market.

“2021 was a good year for Nuclearelectrica: financially, operationally, investment, human resources wise and innovation wise. (…) Most of my efforts in 2021 were directed towards Nuclearelectrica’s investment projects within the context of decarbonization coupled with Romania’s need for a robust and safe energy system,” Cosmin Ghita, CEO Nuclearelectrica told The Diplomat-Bucharest.

COMMITMENT TO PERFORMANCE | Business Evolution, Projects, PERFORMANCE, Figures 

How would you describe the evolution of your company in 2021?

“2021 was a good year for Nuclearelectrica: financially, operationally, investment, human resources wise and innovation wise. We have accomplished a lot in 2021, we have managed to continue or to develop major investment projects, to take the new human resource strategy to a new level, to digitalize significantly our company, to increase our position and perspectives on the capital market.

However most of my efforts in 2021 were directed towards Nuclearelectrica’s investment projects within the context of decarbonization coupled with Romania’s need for a robust and safe energy system. We continued the refurbishment of Unit 1, according to the schedule, and we are to complete the first stage of the project in early 2022, the feasibility study. The purpose is to have another 30 years of safe and clean operation after 2028, in a very efficient and cost-effective manner. Refurbishments of nuclear units are confirmed to have the lowest levelized cost of electricity of all energy sources, renewables included.

We also continued the Cernavoda Nuclear Power Plant Units 3 and 4 Project. We reoperationalized EnergoNuclear, the project company, and already signed one major contract with CANDU Energy as part of the first stage of the project. We are doing our best to develop the project within the established timeframe and have Unit 3 connected to the grid in 2030 and Unit 4 in 2031, just at the right time for Romania to meet its decarbonization targets in a reliable manner whilst phasing out coal-based capacities. According to the PNIESC, Romania’s aim is to generate 55% clean energy by 2030 and nuclear, as many international studies support, is an essential part of this objective.

Also, an equally important project for Romania’s meeting its decarbonation targets and energy security are the small modular reactors deployment. We have worked this year to achieve this intention with NuScale technology, around 2028. We have teamed up with NuScale, the US based company which owns the most advanced and the only licensed SMR technology, in order to provide a stable and clean energy alternative to areas where coal will no longer be an option and, at the same time, allow these areas to continue to socio-economically develop. We are looking at a 6 module power plant, with an installed capacity of 462 MWe, able to generate 193 permanent power plant jobs, 1.500 construction jobs, 2.300 manufacturing jobs and help Romania avoid 4 tons of CO2 emissions per year.

In addition to these benefits, Romania, based on its 25 years of nuclear expertise, has a huge opportunity to be at the forefront of SMR development in the region by developing a strong domestic supply chain that could further expand regionally and by training specialists given the fact that Romania will be the first country in the region to own and operate a SMR full scope simulator.”

What were your company’s business achievements in 2021?

“I will briefly state a few as last year we have set ourselves quite a busy agenda for 2021, and looking back today I can proudly say that Nuclearelectrica team has managed to achieve most of our objectives, even though it was a difficult year:

• Maintain excellence in operation and nuclear safety and our top position worldwide in terms of capacity factor which is rewarding as in 2021 we celebrated 25 years of operation of Unit 1.
• Increase in our financial results as part of a solid sales strategy
• Near Completion of stage 1 of the Refurbishment project of Cernavoda Nuclear Power Plant Unit 1 according to the schedule, even if a major part of this stage unfolded throughout 2020 and 2021 difficult pandemic years
• Continuation of Cernavoda NPP Units 3 and 4 Project and signing of the first contract with CANDU Energy
• The teaming agreement with NuScale for the deployment of SMRs in 2028 and the $ 1,2 million grant from USTDA, in early 2021, to assess potential sites for SMR deployment
• Implementation of the HR strategy, as we had an ambitious plan to hire 500 people by the end of 2021 and we succeeded in hiring more than 500. Besides this, we aim at growing a new generation of specialists and for this we offer as well scholarship programs, apprenticeship, internship, mentorship and dual learning systems.
• The acquisition of a part of Feldioara’s assets, namely the processing line, which will allow us to develop our internal fuel processing and manufacturing capabilities and maintain Romania’s nuclear fuel integrated capabilities doubled by the diversification of the company’s raw material supply possibilities.
• And of course, SNN’s positioning on the capital market with a constantly appreciating share price, market capitalization and increased interest from the investor community.
• However, all of the above are the result of a great team of specialists to whom I would like to thank and acknowledge their professionalism every chance I get.”

STRATEGY & VISION | RETHINK STRATEGY & PRIORITIES

What challenges have you faced as a CEO/ leader during 2021?

“It was a very busy year, and somehow a tough continuation of 2020, so my first concern was the wellbeing of my colleagues, as they are the driving force of every project, idea, result of the company. Therefore, making sure that we stay safe and protected was a top priority and a challenge. Besides this, challenges are objectives and they are inherent to any significant endeavor that an organization goes through. Nonetheless, a significant factor that kept us moving forward at a rapid pace was an already build in resilience from previous years and people’s professionalism, their expertise, capability and adaptability to working in less than normal conditions.”

What priorities and business strategy focus do you have in 2022?

“Definitely the continuation of our strategic investment projects: refurbishment of Unit 1, Unit 3 and 4, small modular reactors and, in this context, training and growing our new nuclear generation. These 3 main projects are complementary: what large fleet reactors lack is added by SMRs, in terms of flexibility, remote access, backup for renewables. Our purpose is to become a regional trendsetter in nuclear – we will do this by showcasing nuclear energy clear benefits, the clean energy which is reliable, cost effective and stable, with outstanding socio-economic advantages; by develop Nuclearelectica, the Romanian supply chain; by exporting our expertise; by acting as a strategic supporter for decarbonization, energy security, consumer protection. By 2031, we aim to reach 66% contribution of clean nuclear energy in Romania’s energy mix. There’s no real, time and cost efficient decarbonization without nuclear energy.”

PEOPLE & COMMUNITY | FOCUS ON SAFETY, SOCIAL APPROACH, LEVERAGE THE POWER OF COMMUNITY

What initiatives & projects did the company run in 2021 in CSR and social projects?

“For 2021 we split our CSR budget into 2 major directions: half of it for the Cernavoda community as we are responsible for the wellbeing of the communities we activate in. We supported educational and medical programs, trying to provide the community with better educational tools and facilitate their access to reliable healthcare. Also, we offered as well as environmental support for the forestation of certain areas that needed such activities. The other half was directed for the rest of the country, proving financial support on educational, medical and environmental projects, since our CSR strategy for 2021 was tailored to include these three main areas based on an assessment of needs.”

KEEN ON GREEN | SUSTAINABLE, GREENER, COMMUNITY & ENVIRONMENTALLY FOCUS

“Nuclear energy is a big part of the decarbonization solution, therefore every project we develop has a definite clean environment and sustainability component. The reason nuclear is a solid decarbonization and friendly environmental solution is the lack of CO2 emissions, NOx emissions, NOx emissions. Actually, by operating two CANDU reactors we avoid the release of 10 million tons of CO2 per year and after 2031, with 4 CANDU reactors running, we will reach 20 millions tons of CO2 avoided each year, which will probably place us as the most important clean energy generator in Romania. If we add a 6 module SMR power plant, 4 million tons of CO2 avoided will be added every single year.

We are extremely responsible with our burnt fuel, which is stored onsite in a water pool for the first 6 years after its removal from the reactor and then for 50 years into a Fuel Storage which 24/7 monitored by AIEA. The environmental component is extremely regulated and our doses are way below the legal limits.

Furthermore, we are assessing and implementing every solution to enhance our environmental footprint and one of our investment project, the Tritium Removal Facility, a 190 million Euro Project is in full development process.

Corroborated, as mentioned, our CSR programs are very much in sync with our operational and investment projects since we are a keen supporter of clean air, hence our involvement in forestation.”

DIGITAL DNA | Grasping tech, digital innovation, customer -driven, building new bridges

“We started our digital innovation strategy in 2019, however the COVID19 pandemic forced us to accelerate the pace in 2020. Our purpose was to facilitate working processes, HR management, e-learning, procurement processes, uniformization of company processes, digitalization of certain production processes, internal infrastructure and provide cyber safety of the data and employees.

From 2019, throughout 2020 and 2021, we have managed to implement 12 digital innovation projects, we have 16 digital innovation projects under implementation process, so all together our strategy included 28 projects.

In future, very few companies will continue to work in the traditional manner. We are not looking towards digital innovation because this is a trend, but because our company needs are as such. Digital innovation protects employees, enables their work and time, protects company infrastructure and processes. The future is digital.”

2021 IN 3 KEY WORDS

“Resilience, Investments, Team”

2022 IN 3 KEY WORDS OR MORE

“Development, strength, cooperation, contribution, responsibility”

Read the original article on The Diplomat

JANUARY 5, 2022

Could cryptocurrencies one day bring down the banking system? These decentralized technologies have already shown the potential for disrupting finance, which craves a faster, cheaper, and freer system. If people choose control over their money and identities over security, the fears of financial authorities may be realized.

With trust in financial institutions like the European Central Bank once again fraying amid the Covid-19 pandemic, ex-board member Benoit Coeure called on regulators to adapt to the rapidly changing technological landscape. © Getty Images

In a nutshell

• The crypto boom is threatening conventional finance
• Covid-19 has revived discontent with financial authorities
• Central banks and regulators will not stand idly by

Could cryptocurrencies bring down the banking system – and, with it, the authorities who oversee it?  Two years ago, such a question would have made central bankers laugh.

It no longer does. During a September Eurofi conference in Ljubljana, seasoned European policymaker Benoit Coeure laid out an alarming scenario: “The financial system is shifting under our feet.” In a speech intended above all as a wake-up call for financial supervisors, the French economist insisted that “central banks have to act while the current system is still in place – and to act now.”

Unforeseen obsolescence

The centralized financial system as we know it could in fact disappear. Not in a tragic fight to the death, nor following a systemic collapse at a larger scale than the one that triggered the 2008 banking crisis. Rather, this time, the traditional banking system may be silently pushed to the margins after having become inadequate, irrelevant, and outdated – in other words, incapable of adapting to a drastically changing world.

What worries Mr. Coeure most is the crushing technological superiority of decentralized cryptocurrencies, which – after only a few years in existence – have proved they have the potential to disrupt finance.

The former European Central Bank (ECB) executive board member is no tech fearmonger. Since 2020, as the chair of the Innovation Hub at the Basel-based Bank of International Settlements (BIS), he has been on a mission to help policymakers and technocrats around the world develop central bank digital currencies (CBDCs).

The ex-central banker is convinced that CBDCs (i.e., digital versions of fiat currencies) are the only option central banks have today if they want to stay in the game – let alone to maintain their leading role in the financial system. The problem, Mr. Coeure recognizes, is that CBCDs will take years to be rolled out, while privately issued digital assets and stablecoins are already there.

Dangerous animals

Meanwhile, there are several thousand cryptocurrencies in existence; the top 20 make up about 90 percent of the market.

In spite of extreme price fluctuations of the top cryptocurrencies since their inception, more and more people are tempted to jump ahead. As of June 2021, there were already 221 million users worldwide, including 120 million using bitcoin alone. This boom has only just begun.

The pandemic played an important part in what appears to be a bandwagon effect. The hype surrounding crypto – or to be more precise, sugarcoated marketing playing down people’s legitimate fears and concerns – has fueled investors’ optimism bias: the overconfident belief, common to all gamblers, that they are going to win rather than lose big.

Despite their growing popularity, bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies are still far from being a conventional way to invest money. Investors are often blind to the fact that bitcoin, after all, has no intrinsic (i.e., real) value. Normally, investments are made in view of future income. This is not the case for bitcoin; as one financial analyst put it, “one cannot invest in BTC, one can only speculate in BTC.”

It is no coincidence that the pandemic has revived markets’ discontent with monetary authorities.

Stablecoins, for their part, appear less volatile and therefore less exposed to the risk of a brutal price crash. In contrast to bitcoin, they are tied to the value of fiat money (usually the United States dollar) or any other asset with real value (such as gold, silver, oil). Still, it remains difficult for the inexperienced investor to learn his or her way through a seemingly opaque and chaotic market.

Fabio Panetta, the Italian economist who replaced Benoit Coeure at the ECB’s executive board in 2020, has used harsh words to describe what he even refuses to call “currencies.” “Crypto-assets are very dangerous animals,” he said.

He is not wrong; but does it make sense to think that such high-risk assets could be the future of money? Is it really conceivable that the banking system, central bank money and their powerful guarantors of last resort – states and central banks — could be swept away? Perhaps only if a problem emerged, shaking the markets’ perceptions of central bank money and policy.

Broken trust

Indeed, such a problem may have come to light in 2008. Bitcoin’s inception in 2009 is often viewed as an act of defiance against the centralized banking system. The global financial crisis revealed that misconduct had for long become the norm in the banking industry, and that much of the regulatory frameworks in place had been a failure.

To repair those frameworks, central banks were given new assignments. Not only did they become intransigent banking supervisors and regulators; they aspired to become a new kind of fiscal power, in command of steering the economies in times of crises and beyond.

The ECB is a case in point. It stretched to breaking point its original, narrowly defined mandate of maintaining price stability in the eurozone. Unlike other central banks, it had to face a sovereign debt crisis – which, in 2012, almost brought down the EU’s common currency. Even if markets’ trust in sovereign money could be restored (through then-President Mario Draghi’s famous commitment to do “whatever it takes” to save the euro), it never fully recovered.

It is no coincidence that the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic and its host of authoritarian policy responses (previously unseen in democratic nations) revived markets’ discontent with monetary authorities. For instance, savers increasingly perceive the persistently low (or sometimes even negative) interest rates as an illegitimate tax on their deposits. For long, they meekly accepted the creeping expropriation as a necessary (and temporary) evil in times of crises. Their tolerance level is dropping as they suspect that central banks will monetize part of governments’ colossal Covid debt through inflation.

With inflation on the rise and no end to financial repression in sight, crypto attracts even low-risk-profile investors. Some adopt a devil-may-care attitude, weighing the probability of losing (but also gaining) money in a gambling game against the certainty of losing in the fiat system. In a way, they send a message to central banks: “you’ve gone too far.”

Freedom call

What the crypto rush reveals above all is that markets crave alternative finance. They want it to be faster, cheaper, more rewarding – and, above all, freer.

Safety is important too. But, as revealed by the ECB’s recent public consultation on a digital euro, privacy is valued very highly by customers these days. Maybe the stringent transparency requirements imposed by the current banking regulations – obsessed with money laundering, tax evasion and financing of terrorism – have simply become too intrusive for the taste of many citizens.

Crypto entrepreneurs have heard the message. As one prosperous start-up advertises its financial offering: “Our goal is to disrupt the financial industry, one happy user at a time, and introduce financial freedom through crypto.”

Unbank the world

Newcomers have recently challenged commercial banks’ business models by creating open-source protocols that replicate existing financial instruments within a decentralized architecture. Their blockchain- and smart contract-based services promise to revolutionize payments, savings, lending, trading, asset management, derivatives, and insurance.

The pioneers of decentralized finance (DeFi) share a common goal: knock off their pedestal the middlemen and gatekeepers that have domineered centralized finance so far. Today, DeFi is among the fastest-growing sectors in the crypto world. According to one of the players involved, its market size is already measured in the trillions.

Facts & Figures

Yet it may still only be in its infancy. For the moment, DeFi is a playground essentially for experienced investors, with knowledge barriers remaining high.

Technology might soon render possible a large-scale investor revolution. Once access to DeFi gets easier, retail bankers might have a real reason to worry. DeFi markets could attract virtually anyone who has a smartphone and an internet connection.

Moreover, 1.7 billion adults worldwide are excluded from the traditional banking sector. DeFi could provide microfinance solutions to those unbanked, usually low-income individuals, opening up new prospects. In the world of DeFi, no credit amount is too small to be granted. Financing opportunities might arise that so far would have been unthinkable.

One can only imagine the positive impact on developing countries – not to mention those where authoritarian or irresponsible governments destroy the value of national currencies and the wealth of citizens.

Bridge builders

So far, DeFi is largely unregulated. Permissionless and censorship-resistant ecosystems enable perfectly anonymous users to interact on peer-to-peer trading platforms – at their own risk. None of the compliance procedures or mandatory disclosure requirements at the heart of today’s banking system, such as Know Your Customer (KYC) or Anti-Money Laundering (AML), need to be applied in those settings.

This scares off many potential users, notably in Western countries, where regulation is highly valued. Some companies are currently exploring a new market niche by providing crypto-services to those who want to take a safer road, preferring to turn to “regulated” institutions that trade and store crypto-assets on their behalf.

Market leaders Celsius and BlockFi present themselves as “centralized” blockchain-based companies, which perform KYC and comply with AML. In a way, their platforms create a bank-like environment meant to give crypto-beginners a sense of security – albeit a distorted one, as the companies’ accounts have been hacked more than once.

In order to provide investors with more secure and easy access to cryptoassets, other DeFi platforms seek to bridge the gap between blockchain-based finance and traditional capital markets. For example, Defi Technologies Inc. offers so-called digital-asset-exchange-traded-products (ETPs), listed on regulated stock exchanges.

Central banks and regulators will not stand idly by while decentralized finance cuts the ground from under their feet.

“Crypto-banks” and digital asset investment firms currently have the wind in their sails. They are the ones that could precipitate society’s move to digital finance.

The question is, for how long?  Sooner or later, big incumbent banks might challenge them, building blockchain infrastructures of their own. But only a few have so far been able to get a foot into crypto, let alone disrupt the disrupters.

A recent study revealed a widening of the gap between leading banking institutions and those lagging behind. It looks as though crypto is already sorting out winners from losers.

Le chef de la diplomatie européenne, Josep Borrell, se rend en Ukraine pour soutenir Kiev face à l’agressivité de Moscou. Pour l’Union européenne, il s’agit d’un véritable test de crédibilité de son action extérieure.

Le chef de la diplomatie européenne, Josep Borrell, au dernier Sommet européen de décembre 2021, où il fut beaucoup question de la Russie. (Kenzo Tribouillard/Pool via REUTERS)

PM’s hogwash arguments against free rapid tests range from hypocritical to obscene

Wed 5 Jan 2022 05.26 GMT

‘At every stage of the pandemic, prime minister Scott Morrison has had to be dragged into action.’ Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

Scott Morrison’s bloody-minded refusal to fund rapid Covid-19 tests is misguided, expensive and dangerous. It is just one more example of the Liberal leader putting his own crude political interests ahead of public safety.

There are no silver bullets to end a pandemic. The public understand that. Vaccines are an important weapon. But only because they let us move from the blunt instrument of citywide lockdowns to a combination of other, more targeted and inter-locking public health measures.

This includes an effective regime of testing, tracing, isolation and quarantine. All these elements must work together.

Morrison’s dereliction of leadership responsibility for Australia’s testing regime, with queues snaking through city streets and rapid antigen tests being hawked online at extortionate prices, is one more addition to the many errors that have come before it.

At every stage of the pandemic, Morrison has had to be dragged into half-hearted action – with catastrophic consequences.

Morrison has been obsessed with picking political fights instead of his government’s core responsibilities like quarantine and aged care. Almost 1,000 Australians have now died in commonwealth-regulated aged care homes that were meant to keep them safe.

In this pivotal stage of the pandemic, it is in everyone’s interest to ensure every Australian, regardless of their income, has access to free at-home rapid antigen test kits. This is because every time a positive case is identified, it provides the chance to staunch a chain of infection and keep bending the curve so that our hospitals aren’t overrun.

Morrison’s myriad arguments against free rapid tests range from the hypocritical to the obscene.

First, Morrison insists the Treasury cannot afford it. This is patently ridiculous. Let’s not forget how Morrison wasted an eye-watering $40bn in JobKeeper payments to companies that didn’t need it – enough to buy every Australian household a dozen tests every month into 2024!

Morrison’s position on rapid tests is ultimately a false economy because mass-testing saves money in the long run. Public hospitals can easily spend more than $100,000 invasively ventilating an intensive care patient, or the chain of infection can be detected and halted weeks earlier using a cheap rapid test.

Second, Morrison points to conventional PCR laboratory tests as fully subsidised alternative. Apart from the mammoth queues to access a PCR test, these tests are much more expensive to taxpayers. For every PCR test conducted by a private laboratory, Medicare is charged $85; by comparison, rapid tests generally cost about $10 (even less when the government is buying millions of units in bulk). Put another way, for every rapid test that displaces a PCR test, taxpayers would save at least $70.

Third, Morrison draws a distinction between medicine, which he says should be funded, and tests, which he says shouldn’t. This is hogwash.

Since 1991, successive federal governments have funded free breast and cervical cancer screenings. John Howard expanded on these programs by including at-home bowel cancer tests. The fact that Morrison’s own government is conducting a feasibility study on free lung cancer screenings suggests he has no objection.

Australia’s world-leading response to HIV/Aids also hinged on providing vulnerable groups with free testing, treatment, condoms and clean needles.

Fourth, the government warns it cannot possibly meet Australians’ insatiable appetite for free tests – a statement that is grounded in a deeply elitist perspective on public health behaviours by lower income Australians.

Federal health minister, Greg Hunt, and Morrison talk down to Australians as though they are either hypochondriacs addicted to shoving cotton swabs up their nostrils, or charlatans determined to cheat government programs. They suddenly insist on price signals to ensure people don’t seek help unless they are truly desperate.

Morrison might find this hard to imagine, but not every household has an extra $25 saved for a rapid test when they need it. This is a recipe for massive undetected spread among those Australians least able to pay.

Finally, Morrison says he won’t “undercut” businesses trying to make a buck out of these tests. This is a total abrogation of responsibility, leaving public health at the mercy of price-gouging companies who – unlike Morrison – listened to experts’ warnings of a looming spike in demand.

The fundamental principle of Medicare is that Australians deserve access to healthcare based on their needs, not their ability to fulfil the needs of the market.

If Morrison wants to ensure Australians can find rapid tests at their local shops, that’s good; he should involve those businesses in delivering publicly funded testing kits. But since Morrison’s stated motivation is to avoid “undercutting” their profits, it seems he’s forgotten who he works for.

One of the few things that unites most Australians is our revulsion at the hideous inequities of the American health system; Morrison’s apparent fondness for mingling business with healthcare suggests he doesn’t share that view.

Why then has Morrison taken this hypocritical and unsustainable position? I suspect three reasons.

Morrison may be trying to ease fears ahead of the election. Australians are watching rising case numbers with trepidation and soaring positive test rates – now more than 20% in most states – suggest there are many more cases lurking beneath the surface.

If Morrison cannot reduce the numbers in reality, he can reduce the numbers that are announced in the media each day. As Donald Trump once claimed, “if you don’t test, you won’t have any cases”.

Morrison also knows voters have now seen through the myth of Liberals being superior economic managers. Morrison is now the biggest-spending postwar prime minister with record debt and record deficit.

National debt is set to reach $1.3tn – more than seven-times the Labor government’s supposed “debt bomb” of $189bn in 2013 – equivalent to 55% of GDP, compared with 12% when we left office. Morrison’s performative austerity on rapid tests is a feeble attempt to regain some fiscal credibility.

Finally, Morrison now stakes this public position on a thread-bare ideology of “personal responsibility”. He’s borrowed this from his British counterpart, Boris Johnson, who thought he could politically skate through the latest UK debacle. But it’s also political code language for a Darwinian survival-of-the-fittest contest in which the weak, the poor and the vulnerable are cast aside.

Perhaps that’s what Morrison really meant when he said of rapid tests, “someone’s always going to pay for it, and it’s going to be you”. Once we had Medicare. Now we have MorrisonCare.

Read the original article on The Guardian

Project Syndicate – 21.04.2021

KEMAL DERVIŞ, SEBASTIÁN STRAUSS

Recent US initiatives concerning new IMF special drawing rights, corporate taxation, and climate change highlight America’s renewed support for global cooperation. The big question now is whether multilateralism can work – and how China will respond to these proposals, given rising bilateral tensions.

WASHINGTON, DC – Three important recent initiatives from US President Joe Biden’s administration illustrate America’s reengagement with the world and support for inclusive global multilateralism. The big question now, with the United States again seeking to play an international leadership role, is whether such cooperation can work – and how China will react to the US proposals, given rising bilateral tensions.

The first major initiative was US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen’s call for a new $650 billion issuance of special drawing rights (SDRs, the International Monetary Fund’s reserve asset) – something that President Donald Trump’s administration had blocked.  

Details of the plan, which has been endorsed by the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors and the International Monetary and Financial Committee, are still to be worked out. It would not only involve a record new $650 billion SDR issuance to countries in proportion to their IMF quotas. It also calls on countries not needing these SDRs to reallocate them voluntarily to countries in need. For example, the US has suggested lending some of them to the IMF’s Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust to boost the Fund’s concessional lending capacity.

This is a big deal in at least two ways. A new $650 billion allocation would more than double the existing stock of SDRs, boosting global liquidity and freeing up resources for much-needed investment. And it could lead to large support from advanced economies to developing countries.

While any SDR reallocation would be voluntary, countries could go beyond a piecemeal approach to develop a more coordinated mechanism. For example, the US proposal could be extended to routinize donor governments’ contributions to institutions such as multilateral development banks to finance concessional loans to developing economies. In addition, the plan could involve the establishment of a new special purpose vehicle to attract private-sector resources.

China supports the proposed new SDR allocation, but it remains to be seen whether it will agree with the US and other advanced economies on the implementation details and reallocate some of its own SDRs in a coordinated multilateral manner. It will also be interesting to see what role the Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank may play in such a scheme.

A second major US proposal would allow countries to tax the largest and most profitable multinational corporations (many of which are American) based on their sales in each country, regardless of physical presence, and would set a global minimum corporate-tax rate of 21%. The Financial Times reported on April 8 that the US Treasury floated the idea with the 135 countries involved in OECD/G20 discussions on so-called base erosion and profit shifting.

The proposed regulations would be binding for large companies in all sectors, depending on their level of revenue and profit margins. Reaching a global agreement will be difficult, but it would allow Biden to raise US corporate tax rates to pay for planned infrastructure investments without being undercut internationally and end the race to the bottom that has characterized corporate taxation for decades. The OECD framework provides another opportunity for US-China multilateral cooperation on one of the most important and sensitive global economic policy issues.

Lastly, Biden has invited 40 world leaders to a virtual climate summit on April 22-23, which will be streamed live to the public. The attendees include the leaders of 17 major greenhouse-gas (GHG) emitters, as well as those from other countries that are “demonstrating strong climate leadership” and innovative approaches or are especially vulnerable to climate change. A small number of business and civil-society leaders will also participate.

The Biden administration endorses the goals of achieving global net-zero GHG emissions by 2050 and limiting global warming close to 1.5 degrees Celsius relative to pre-industrial levels, while emphasizing the need for more ambitious emission-reduction targets by 2030 than what countries pledged under the 2015 Paris climate agreement. Most advanced economies, now including the US, are preparing strategies aimed at meeting global climate goals, although Biden’s ambitious plans will face stiff Republican opposition.

But the world will not achieve net-zero emissions, or close to it, by 2050 without China and the emerging economies as a whole immediately embarking on similar trajectories. They currently account for almost two-thirds of global CO₂ emissions from fuel combustion, with China alone responsible for almost 30%. Last year, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged that China would become carbon neutral before 2060, but did not outline a concrete strategy for achieving that goal. Most analysts agree that the country’s current policies and plans (especially regarding coal production and expansion of its oil and gas pipeline network) are inconsistent with this target.

Biden has invited Xi to the upcoming summit. US Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry, who has said he is “hopeful [but] not confident” of Chinese cooperation in tackling climate change, recently visited China in an attempt to enlist the country’s support for a successful April summit. Both countries issued a joint statement that, while positive in tone, is short on detailed commitments.

Libération Maroc – 25 avril 2021

Youssef Amrani, ambassadeur du Maroc en Afrique du Sud

L’ émergence du continent africain dans le contexte de la crise sanitaire mondiale liée à la pandémie de Covid-19 exige une Union africaine plus inclusive et plus organisée, estime Youssef Amrani, ambassadeur du Maroc en Afrique du Sud, pour qui les idéologies révolues doivent laisser place au pragmatisme en faisant prévaloir le droit et l’action sur toute autre considération politicienne.

Dans une tribune publiée par le magazine Jeune Afrique, le diplomate marocain questionne les enjeux autour des systèmes de santé sur le territoire africain et suggère des actions mieux coordonnées entre les différentes chancelleries du monde afin de mieux contrer les effets de la crise sanitaire. Selon Youssef Amrani, la Covid-19 a mis à nu des manquements institutionnels d’une gouvernance multilatérale alourdie par des redondances bureaucratiques et des défaillances opérationnelles. Dès lors, il apparaît clairement qu’une refonte est nécessaire, en vue d’un renforcement des mécanismes et des procédés des institutions internationales, affirme-t-il, plaidant pour “inscrire l’action diplomatique dans le cadre d’un multilatéralisme de complémentarité qui se fonde sur un socle commun de valeurs, de visions et de stratégies”.

Aux yeux de l’ambassadeur du Maroc, la gouvernance mondiale doit gagner en flexibilité sans perdre en crédibilité: “Il ne s’agit pas d’imposer la volonté du plus fort au plus faible, mais de trouver les consensus d’une cohérence globale où chaque partie assumerait ses obligations”. Il a souligné, à cet égard, que les rapports de force doivent laisser place au “rapport d’interdépendance”, car “l’unilatéralisme n’a aucune cohérence dans un monde d’intervulnérabilité”. Dans ce contexte-là, souligne Youssef Amrani, “tout l’enjeu pour la diplomatie africaine sera d’outiller ses mécanismes de déploiement à l’international pour porter un même message et poursuivre une même ambition”. Pour cela, “l’Union africaine de demain doit être plus inclusive, plus cohérente et plus organisée”, et sa diplomatie plus forte et plus compétente. Pour lui, la diplomatie de demain ne s’exercera pas uniquement dans les couloirs des ministères des Affaires étrangères, mais également dans ceux des grandes multinationales, des laboratoires, des think tank sans oublier les plateaux de télévision et les universités. Et “si le diplomate déserte ces couloirs, il déserte le terrain et l’objet même de son action”, prévient-il, assurant que “face à un spectre élargi d’acteurs de la société internationale, le diplomate s’impose comme un pivot qui transmet l’information et négocie la décision”.

Alors que l’innovation deviendra un outil et une finalité dans les jeux géopolitiques et géostratégiques, le diplomate doit gagner en expertise et en réactivité pour évoluer dans un environnement qu’il doit être en mesure de transformer au gré des exigences du moment, préconise-t-il. “La capacité à s’appuyer efficacement sur les réseaux sociaux et les nouvelles technologies de communication constituera les attributs obligatoires des futurs diplomates”, affirme Youssef Amrani, soulignant que la dématérialisation et la digitalisation progressives du travail du diplomate sont inéluctables, à tel point qu’on observe aujourd’hui l’émergence d’une forme de diplomatie virtuelle. Et de souligner, dans ce contexte, que “l’importance du ‘soft power’ dans la diplomatie augmentera, particulièrement dans ses déclinaisons scientifique et technologique. L’innovation deviendra un outil et une finalité dans les jeux géopolitiques et géostratégiques. Le diplomate devra élargir le spectre de ses interlocuteurs en engageant de façon plus efficiente la communauté scientifique, les multinationales, la société civile et les ONG qui sont, désormais, des acteurs incontournables et souvent déterminants dans les relations internationales”.

Dans cette tribune, l’ambassadeur du Maroc a également plaidé pour une approche solidaire et responsable, comme celle prônée par le Maroc. “A l’échelle africaine, il nous appartient de toujours regarder vers l’avenir de cette émergence continentale, qui fédère les identités et mobilise les forces d’une nation africaine aux forces vives inégalées”, affirme-t-il, soulignant que ” le leadership de S.M le Roi Mohammed VI a fait de l’avènement africain une perspective non seulement voulue mais tracée à la faveur d’une vision globale, d’une action inclusive et d’une approche solidaire et responsable”. “En interne comme à l’international, la vision de S.M le Roi Mohammed VI est celle qui érige la dimension humaine au cœur des priorités, en conditionnant toutes les perspectives de développement d’abord et avant tout au bien-être, à la santé et à la sécurité du citoyen africain”, note Youssef Amrani. D’ailleurs, a-t-il dit, “la décision historique de généraliser la couverture sociale, pour tous les Marocains, préside en réalité de cette même culture d’altruisme, de cette même démarche de responsabilité et de cette même conviction humaniste”.

Lisez l’article sur le site de Libération Maroc.

French.china.org – 25.04.2021

La Chine n’est pas une puissance expansionniste et la volonté de Washington de contenir la Chine est une erreur stratégique, a estimé l’universitaire singapourien Kishore Mahbubani.

Lors d’un entretien avec le quotidien français Le Figaro publié début avril, M. Mahbubani, chercheur émérite à l’Institut de recherche sur l’Asie de l’Université nationale de Singapour, a déclaré que la volonté de contenir la Chine était une erreur stratégique.

Les Etats-Unis “ont lancé une compétition géopolitique contre la Chine sans élaborer au préalable une stratégie cohérente”, a constaté l’universitaire.

“Les Chinois sont très prudents et pragmatiques, et très stratégiques dans leur pensée”, a-t-il noté, ajoutant que “les Américains se mettent en péril en partant du principe qu’il leur est impossible de perdre puisqu’ils ont gagné toutes les compétitions depuis 130 ans”.

Ce diplomate chevronné et écrivain a estimé que “nous assistons à une compétition géopolitique majeure, pas une Guerre froide”.

Il a rappelé que la Chine était l’un des premiers partenaires commerciaux de l’Amérique. “Et en même temps la Chine est plus intégrée avec le reste du monde que les Etats-Unis”, a-t-il ajouté.

“Il s’agit d’une compétition géopolitique classique qui se produit lorsque la première puissance mondiale prend peur et tente de contenir la puissance émergente. Cela se produit depuis 2.500 ans, depuis l’époque d’Athènes et Sparte”, a-t-il observé. “Cela n’a rien à voir avec le communisme”.

Aux yeux de M. Mahbubani, la Chine deviendra de plus en plus sûre d’elle-même à mesure qu’elle deviendra plus puissante. Mais “elle n’est pas expansionniste”, a-t-il souligné.

“Lorsque les Etats-Unis sont devenus une grande puissance, dans les années 1890 – la situation équivalente de la Chine aujourd’hui -, la première chose qu’ils ont faite a été de déclarer la guerre à d’autres pays et de saisir des territoires comme les Philippines à l’Espagne”, a-t-il remarqué.

“Si Teddy Roosevelt (président américain 1901-1909) était le dirigeant de la Chine aujourd’hui, il prendrait tous les îlots contrôlés par le Vietnam, les Philippines, la Malaisie et Brunei”, a supposé l’universitaire.

“La Chine possède la puissance militaire pour le faire. Mais elle ne l’a pas fait. Elle revendique des territoires qui, historiquement, ont été sous son contrôle”, a-t-il conclu.

Accédez à l’article sur le site de French.china.org

Le Matin – 26.04.2021

Le Maroc reste un «modèle» en matière de tolérance et de dialogue interreligieux, a affirmé le haut-représentant de l’Alliance des civilisations des Nations unies, Miguel Angel Moratinos, au cours d’un webinaire organisé, jeudi, par le Centre marocain pour la tolérance et le dialogue interreligieux, à l’occasion du 62e anniversaire de la disparition de Feu S.M. Mohammed V.

M. Moratinos a mis en avant l’exemplarité du Royaume en matière de préservation des droits des croyants, de coexistence et de pluralité, rappelant la grande symbolique de la visite du Pape François au Maroc, il y a deux ans, et sa rencontre avec S.M. le Roi Mohammed VI, Amir Al Mouminine.
«Cette visite démontre la ferme volonté du vivre-ensemble et de cohabitation entre les religions abrahamiques», a insisté l’ancien chef de la diplomatie espagnole, relevant que les religions n’existent pas uniquement pour la tolérance, mais aussi pour prôner le dialogue et l’action commune.

M. Moratinos a aussi souligné le rôle d’avant-garde qu’accomplit S.M. le Roi, Amir Al Mouminine, dans la consécration du respect des religions et le libre exercice du culte, dans le cadre des traditions marocaines ancestrales. Introduisant cette rencontre, le président du Centre, Mohamed Aabidou, a rappelé l’importance qu’accordait feu S.M. Mohammed V aux valeurs de cohabitation et de tolérance, assurant que «le défunt souverain était un roi exceptionnel non seulement dans le monde arabe, mais aussi au niveau islamique dans ce domaine». «Nous savons tous comment le regretté Souverain a sauvé la vie de milliers de juifs lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale», a-t-il commenté, notant que le Maroc est le seul pays arabe à intégrer la culture juive dans le cursus scolaire.

L’ancien ministre tunisien des Affaires étrangères, Mohamed Khalil, a salué les actions et les initiatives entreprises par feu S.M. Mohammed V, tout au long de sa vie, afin de donner sens à la communion et à l’altérité entre les adeptes des différentes religions. «Face à la conjoncture actuelle marquée par la division et les guerres, la voix du Maroc émerge, à nouveau, pour plaider le dialogue interreligieux et bâtir une nouvelle ère», soutient le diplomate tunisien. En initiant ce débat de haut niveau, le Centre marocain pour la tolérance et le dialogue interreligieux voulait, ainsi, rendre hommage au père de la Nation, Feu S.M. Mohammed V, héros de la lutte anticoloniale qui a posé les jalons du Maroc indépendant.

Retrouvez l’article original sur le site du Matin.

Internationale Politik Quarterly, n° 2, Spring 2021

by Thierry de Montbrial

To adapt its foreign policy to new challenges, Germany must overcome certain taboos inherited from its history.

When Angela Merkel became chancellor in 2005, the world could still be called unipolar, at least at first glance. The geopolitical consequences of China’s rise seemed abstract. The issue was raised only in small circles. China’s leaders tried to seduce the West, which in turn was preoccupied with how it could benefit from the new division of labor. In fact, the West viewed China mainly as a huge pool of cheap labor and an almost inexhaustible outlet for its products. That is why China was admitted to the WTO. The idea that the Chinese were taking advantage of the West’s ambient liberal ideology to methodically implement a power policy, based on acquiring technological world leadership, did not worry Westerners much, who thus showed themselves mainly interested in the short to medium term.

Moreover, after the dark decade during which the Soviet Union collapsed and the Russian Federation almost fell apart, the return of a strongman in the Kremlin gave NATO a new lease on life at a time when the European Union was quickly expanding and its new members were turning to the United States to guarantee their security. The rejection of the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe by the French (and Dutch) people automatically bolstered American hegemony over a West that still wanted to believe in the end of history.

Such was the international situation in late 2005. After Helmut Kohl, who left his mark on German reunification, and Gerhard Schroeder, who had to manage its costs, Angela Merkel inherited a strong Germany intent on becoming the leading power in a European Union transformed by the end of the Cold War. It also was more Atlanticist than ever, despite what was called “Gaullo-Mitterrandism,” whose last manifestation was France’s opposition to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Germany, Belgium, and Luxembourg also voiced their opposition in their own way (getting together at the outskirts of Brussels for the so-called “praline summit,” or Pralinengipfel).

A World Transformed

Merkel’s 16 years in office saw a transformation of the world to which she adapted on a day-to-day basis, using her outstanding talent to put the pieces back together after each crisis that erupted following her accession to power. That was the case with the eurozone bailout during the financial crisis in the 2010s following the “subprime” loans debacle in the United States. It was also the case with the migration crisis after the “Arab Spring” debacle (which also helped fuel the rise of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland, or AfD). It was again the case with Brexit and even the COVID-19 pandemic.

All of these circumstances tested the European Union, which emerged a bit stronger each time—at least in the short term. Meanwhile, Chancellor Merkel turned a deaf ear to US President Donald Trump’s provocations, staying true to form: waiting, watching, and making the right gestures as late as possible. Has she understood that Trump’s 2016 election was not a bump in the road, but the most conspicuous sign of deep changes in American society and a shift in the world toward Asia, especially China? Does she believe that Joe Biden’s election (thanks to COVID-19) heralds a return to the reassuring American protectorate of yesteryear, beyond its rituals, like the annual Munich Security Conference? Candidates hoping to take her place are asking themselves these questions now. Their answers will largely determine the future of Europe and beyond.

The Late Start of the 21st Century

The 2007-08 financial crisis and the rivalry between China and the United States are what really ushered the world into the 21th century. Like it or not, the Cold War era’s Atlanticist doctrine is outdated. The geopolitical balance of power in the classic sense of the term still matters, but geo-economics has considerably increased its complexity. The fight against global warming is shaking up energy policies and raising many technological challenges. The great powers increasingly resort to sanctions.

The clear trend toward de-globalization is less a drastic reduction of interdependence than a ruthless struggle for control of critical areas with raw materials and strategic products (like semi-conductors) and, more generally, supply chains. Even more fundamentally, the reshuffling of political and economic might will depend on who controls data acquisition and use on a planetary scale. Each country, but also the European Union if we take it seriously as a political unit under construction, will weigh what its military-digital-industrial complex is worth.

The End of the German Model

Since World War II, Germany has built up its power by taking full advantage of the US protectorate for its security. Depoliticized international trade has benefitted its economy in general and its automotive industry in particular. Those days are over. This means that the future chancellor will not be able to sidestep the issue of redefining Germany’s economic model and the future of its security as an inseparable whole. Terms like “European strategic autonomy” can sometimes be frightening. However, faced with the United States’ desire to restructure the Atlantic Alliance to checkmate China, Germany will have to make real choices. No one can indefinitely hide behind a smokescreen of outdated vocabulary.

These will be security, economic, and technological choices at the same time. In theory, Germany could dream of becoming a great Switzerland or breaking the Sonderweg taboo by taking a particular path, which would push it to broaden its relations with Russia and China, already well advanced on the strictly economic level. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is the symbol of this when it comes to Russia, and the reliance on its exports, notably automobiles, when it comes to China. But how far can Germany go it alone in this direction? Conversely, how far can it accept further increasing its dependence on the US? To what extent can it avoid directly facing the issue of boosting its military capabilities and the suspicions that such a step would inevitably arouse? How far can and will it go in this area within the European framework?

Deciding Europe’s Future

Obviously, no single individual, nor even a political debate within a coalition, can answer these questions. They will necessarily also be answered by in-depth discussions between Germany and its European partners, starting with France, with which it forms a community of destiny. Public debate will play a key role, for so many taboos lie behind all these issues. But in this sea of uncertainty, one truth stands out: although Angela Merkel will have held office between 2005 and 2021, she will remain the last German chancellor of the 20th century.

Now the 21st century in terms of international politics has truly begun. As Germany has become Europe’s leading power, its choices in the coming years will be decisive for the future of Europe and, by extension, of the international system as a whole in the next 30 years.

Read the article on the Internationale Politik Quarterly website.

Les Cahiers du Cercle des Economistes – La France est-elle toujours dans la course technologique ?

Article de François Barrault, président Idate DigiWorld

Pendant des années les innovations technologiques ont été rythmées et cadrées par les fameuses ‘lois de Moore’ : à savoir, on double la puissance informatique des processeurs tous les 18 mois. Cette référence, admise par tous les professionnels, a ainsi cranté le développement des systèmes et leur financement tout en permettant de budgéter l’évolution du parc informatique d’ailleurs souvent orchestrée par les géants américains de l’époque au rythme de leurs annonces.

Mais les choses changent et s’accélèrent à une vitesse folle : on parle de facteur 10 000 voire d’un million pour les 8-10 prochaines années. Nous sommes à l’aube d’une révolution industrielle sans précédent qui va bouleverser le monde moderne déjà fortement ébranlé depuis plus d’un an maintenant par la Covid 19. La 5G en est un des piliers, mais pas le seul.

Tout d’abord, la nouvelle la Loi de Moore 2.0 va s’appliquer à l’ensemble de la chaine de création et de traitement des données : ‘sensors’, caméras, ‘Edge Computing’ ou informatique embarquée localement, stockage infini et gratuit et enfin processeurs quantiques. Bien sûr chaque maillon se verra enrichi par de l’IA – Intelligence Augmentée et non Artificielle – qui traitera un nombre croissant d’opérations localement sans avoir à faire appel à des ressources décentralisées : les chips seront de plus en plus miniaturisés avec de grandes capacités
de stockage et traitement et, enfin, une très faible consommation énergétique et une connectivité en continu entre eux (IOT, internet des objets) et avec le cloud.

Les objets de la vie courante, nos environnements personnels ou professionnels seront des machines à collecter des données, à les traiter, les comparer et a priori à nous fournir une meilleure qualité de vie, une sécurité renforcée et pourquoi pas une porte d’entrée au ‘bonheur numérique’ ? Les nouveaux processeurs quantiques développés notamment grâce au plan ‘Quantique’ du gouvernement français avec 1,8 milliards d’Euros investis, vont augmenter considérablement les vitesses de calculs dans un rapport jusqu’alors jamais égalé.

La deuxième révolution est portée par les données et leur traitement : ‘Data is the new Gold’ !. Le premier pilier technologique va créer des trillions de données tous les jours et pour qu’elles soient vivantes et exploitables, il faut les rendre pertinentes, intelligentes, corrélées et surtout prédictives. Cela vaut non seulement pour les comportements des consommateurs mais aussi par exemple pour la maintenance qui se
doit de ne plus être seulement curative mais aussi prédictive comme pour les centrales nucléaires ou les robots des marchés financiers.

Enfin, le troisième pilier, le lien essentiel entre la technologie et les données, la 5G dont les enchères de la première allocation de fréquences en 3,5 et 3,71 Ghz ont été attribuées aux 4 opérateurs français. Il était temps car la 5G est déjà opérationnelle dans 60 pays et territoires depuis 2018 ! Quel bonheur d’avoir vu s’allumer le petit icone ‘5G’ sur nos smartphones dernier cri.

Ce triptyque, technologique, données et 5G va transformer notre quotidien et la compétitivité des entreprises et l’IA au coeur de notre vie.

Les exemples sont nombreux ; l’un d’entre eux est particulièrement pertinent pour illustrer cette accélération : la voiture connectée ou bientôt autonome.

Les ‘sensors’ ou caméras embarquées pourront identifier instantanément les obstacles rencontrés (piétons, voitures, vélos..), iront chercher dans l’ordinateur embarqué (Edge Computing) les données manquantes (tracteurs, side-cars) et, si aucun élément n’est répertorié – un éléphant rose par exemple – chercheront dans le Cloud (grâce à la 5G) et ainsi contextualiseront, analyseront puis renverront à la voiture un ordre validé par tous les spécialistes ou leurs avatars (avocats, assureurs, vétérinaires, dresseur d’éléphant etc..). La voiture s’arrêtera ou contournera l’obstacle en fonction des milliards d’opérations effectuées et ce, en quelques millièmes de seconde.

C’est exactement ce qui se passe avec l’être humain : en 4 itérations notre oeil voit un éléphant rose (au lieu de 4000 pour la machine) analyse la situation et prend la bonne décision instantanée (reflexe) ou réfléchie si le temps le permet.

Sommes-nous égaux avec la machine ?… Pas vraiment ! Nous avons 5 sens, la machine 2, la captation visuelle des évènements se fait à 300 000 Km/s et auditive à 340 m/s mais une fois dans notre cerveau, la transmission ralentit à.. 100 m/s et nos capteurs transmettent à 60 m/s les informations ou les ordres physiques à nos muscles.

Certes nous avons 3 ‘sensors’ en plus (gout, odorat, toucher) mais dans ce cas de figure notre temps de réaction à l’évènement va de 50 ms à 300 ms (de l’activité neuronale visuelle à la réponse motrice). Ce qui explique le faux départ au 100 m qui est déclaré en dessous d’un temps de réaction de 100 ms. Pendant ce temps-là, l’information dans la voiture et dans le cloud se déplace à des vitesses allant jusqu’à 300 000 km/s.
Cette accélération technologique basée sur la vitesse et la puissance, souvent assimilée à tort à l’IA, est en fait un temps de traitement de l’information très accéléré qui vient concurrencer l’être humain dans des taches d’abord basiques puis très sophistiquées ou critiques au fur et à mesure du déploiement de ces technologies.

Or la 5 G est vitale avec son débit (X5) et son temps de réaction (latence) divisé par 100.

Le déploiement de la 5G sur notre territoire suscite beaucoup de questions et réactions anxiogènes.

On lui reproche des impacts environnementaux, sanitaires et comportementaux. Si on exclut la théorie conspirationniste qui accuse la 5G de diffuser le covid-19, trois thématiques sont au cœur des débats, en plus de celui de la souveraineté nationale et de la cyber-sécurité.

• Une exposition aux ondes électromagnétiques (comme avec la 3G ou 4G) plus importantes avec l’utilisation des bandes millimétriques et une multitude d’objets connectés
• Une consommation énergétique importante (objets, capacité de stockage et de transmission)
• L’obsolescence prématurée de milliards de terminaux 4G

Ces annonces perturbent fortement les citoyens et nos élus : il faut faire preuve de beaucoup de prudence et surtout de pédagogie plutôt que de se livrer à des joutes verbales stériles sur les plateaux TV : ‘tough with fact, nice with people’

Concernant l’aspect sanitaire et pendant les 3 prochaines années, les fréquences utilisées sont très proches des existantes (3G,4G, Wifi) voire au-delà (Wifi 2,4 Ghz, 5 Ghz) à la maison. Donc pas de panique. Il nous reste 5 ans pour étudier l’impact des très hautes fréquences déjà utilisées dans certains pays.

Sur le terrain très glissant de la consommation énergétique, de nombreux efforts ont été demandés aux constructeurs, équipementiers et operateurs pour la réduire de manière très significative (facteur 100 à débit égal). L’apport de l’Intelligence Augmentée (IA !) à chaque niveau de la chaine de valeur, la miniaturisation des éléments vont contribuer à ces économies vertigineuses. Les constructeurs de mobiles travaillent
aussi d’arrache-pied sur l’obsolescence prématurée et programmée des milliards de terminaux 4G et 3G notamment sur leur recyclage ou de leur mise à jour.

En 2020, la Commission Européenne a publié une boite à outils « cyber sécurité » : son objectif est de définir une approche européenne coordonnée, fondée sur un ensemble commun de mesures qui visent à atténuer les principaux risques en matière de cyber sécurité des réseaux 5G.

La cyber sécurité doit aussi être prévue dès la conception des systèmes, des objets connectés qui coexisteront par milliards et encadrée pour assurer la sécurité des réseaux. La France a répondu aux inquiétudes par une loi (« Loi Huawei ») qui prévoit que toute entreprise qui veut mettre en place un réseau 5G devra obtenir une certification validée par l’ANSSI.

En parallèle de ces 3 révolutions technologiques concomitantes, phénomène unique depuis le début des technologies de l’information, s’accélère le cercle vertueux de l’innovation ou plus exactement du progrès. : la technologie change les usages qui changent les business models et les vecteurs d’investissement.

Le premier confinement a été d’une grande brutalité et vécu par beaucoup comme un traumatisme (on change d’état quasi instantanément). Avec le confinement forcé et grâce aux Zoom, Teams et autres outils collaboratifs, nous avons pu continuer à travailler, produire, échanger, vendre… et comme toujours, l’adaptabilité du genre humain a été remarquable. Si de nouveaux usages se sont installés très rapidement, de nouvelles questions ont émergé.

Le bureau, sanctuaire physique du travail (« je vais au bureau ! ») a été dématérialisé, les réunions « distancielles » sont devenues plus courtes, plus percutantes, les décisions plus rapides. Dès lors, dans l’après pandémie, pourquoi aller au bureau, qu’y faire ? Un grand patron du CAC 40 m’a confié que désormais les 6000 employés de leur siège à la
Défense qui arrivent dans une tranche de 45 mns, qui suivent les mêmes rituels (pauses cigarette, déjeuners…) et qui augmentent les transhumances pendulaires du matin, soir, weekends et vacances, tout cela était devenu absurde même si bien sûr demeure l’immense besoin de contacts et de liens physiques.

Tout un pan de l’économie s’est trouvé arrêté – les services divers à l’entreprise (cantines, nettoyages, transports…)- et en même temps, grâce à la technologie, on découvre une nouvelle forme de liberté où le bureau se déplace à la campagne, au domicile … De nouveaux concepts, comme les ’15 minutes cities’ émergent pour que les personnes puissent choisir entre leur maison, le ‘bureau’ et une structure hybride
près de chez eux (15 mns à pied ou à vélo) où se conjuguent convivialité et environnement de travail. Après quelques cafouillages, un nouvel ordre s’est établi. Ce nouvel ordre laissera des traces indélébiles dans nos modes de fonctionnement professionnels et privés.

Une réflexion s’impose donc sur l’organisation des grandes sociétés où le courant mondialiste a entrainé un découpage géographique/taylorien des activités en fonction des seuls critères de coût : production en Chine, centre d’appels en Inde, ingénierie en Europe..

Aujourd’hui s’ajoutent de nouveaux critères de choix, qu’ils soient écoresponsables, souverainistes ou encore cloisonnement et indépendance des sites de production. L’augmentation très significative des coûts des terres rares, chips, acier etc… va d’ailleurs accélérer la refonte du modèle : je produis où je consomme. Et en même temps, le nouvel ordre géopolitique mondial suppose que la communauté européenne se consolide afin de rester dans la compétition internationale.

Se pose aussi la question de l’organisation du travail : comment mettre en place des nouveaux modes d’organisation apprenantes, des nouveaux modèles de soutien et d’accompagnement managériaux à distance, quel rôle pour le management intermédiaire… ? Ce sujet prend d’autant plus d’acuité qu’il se conjugue avec l’irruption de la data, de l’IA, de la robotisation qui entraine une substitution des machines à l’homme pour les taches à faible valeur ajoutée ou encore dangereuses. La compétitivité économique repose sur la capacité des nations ou régions à embarquer les apports des nouvelles technologies pour bâtir une industrie 4.0 plus agile, plus fiable, plus productive. Dès lors la question de l’accompagnement du développement des compétences, de la formation aux métiers de demain est cruciale. L’Allemagne qui veut garder son industrie lourde compétitive et haut de gamme a investi massivement dans les outils 4.0 pour produire moins cher, avec la qualité que l’on connait tout en accompagnant et formant le personnel de son industrie.

Ce pivot ou le coût n’est plus le seul critère de choix est une chance pour l’Europe et en particulier la France pour nous permettre de ré-industrialiser intelligemment notre pays.

La fusée à 3 étages est partie et nous allons être les témoins vivants d’une révolution technologique et industrielle sans précédent où j’en suis sûr, l’homme trouvera sa place … ‘Stay tuned ‘ !!

Téléchargez le Cahier du Cercle des Economistes.

Europe 1 – 05.04.2021

Nicolas Barré

Grâce à la vaccination massive et à la réouverture progressive du pays, les États-Unis voient le taux de chômage chuter de 6% et 900.000 emplois se créer en seulement un mois. Nicolas Barré fait le point sur une question d’actualité économique.

Le Point – 05.04.2021

Par Jean de Kervasdoué

Pourquoi donc, en économie ou en sciences, nos plus grands talents partent-ils exercer ailleurs ? Notre chroniqueur nous livre quelques explications.

Àl’instar des milieux artistiques, le monde de la recherche est sans pitié, le classement y est permanent et l’élitisme, la culture commune. En France toutefois, si l’entrée dans la carrière est très sélective, car il n’y a, chaque année, qu’un ou deux postes dans une discipline donnée^[1], la quête s’arrête là et la carrière devient du jour au lendemain toute tracée. Comme sous l’Ancien Régime, le jour où un chercheur du CNRS ou de l’Inserm est titularisé, il a acquis pour la vie un statut, une « charge ». Elle le protégera, mais ne lui donnera plus aucune stimulation financière ou symbolique […]

Retrouvez l’article complet sur le site du Point.

Le Figaro – 05/04/2021

Par Renaud Girard

L’élection du 46^e président des États-Unis a créé un immense appel d’air pour les migrants. Surtout pour ceux d’Amérique centrale fuyant la misère, les désastres naturels et la violence des gangs.

À la frontière entre le Mexique et les États-Unis, les trafiquants d’êtres humains se sont adaptés, avec le cynisme qui les caractérise, à la nouvelle donne administrative prévalant à Washington. Joe Biden a conservé la directive sanitaire – dite Title 42 – prise par son prédécesseur qui autorise les gardes-frontières américains à reconduire immédiatement les personnes ayant franchi illégalement la frontière. Mais il a fait une exception pour les mineurs non accompagnés. Alors, on a vu des trafiquants – filmés la nuit par une caméra de surveillance – jeter des enfants par-dessus un mur frontalier de 4,2 mètres de haut. Beaucoup se blessent en tombant, mais ils sont toujours, plus tard, soignés par les gardes-frontières.

L’élection de Joe Biden, candidat qui avait vertement critiqué l’inflexibilité de Trump en matière migratoire et dénigré son projet d’un mur courant tout le long de la frontière, a créé un immense appel d’air pour les migrants. Surtout pour ceux d’Amérique centrale fuyant […]

Retrouvez l’article complet sur le site du Figaro (réservé aux abonnés).

ORF online – 31.03.2021

by Samir Saran

As Britain readies to host the 26^th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26) in Glasgow in November this year, there is a concerted effort to push countries towards publicly endorsing and adopting ‘Net Zero’—a carbon neutral emission norm—as policy. This is a demand for an inflexible, near-impossible, time-bound agenda to achieve what is no doubt a noble goal. And, as is often the case with climate-related issues, the nobility of intent is at risk of being overwhelmed by sanctimonious hectoring that raises hackles instead of ensuring meaningful participation.

On 3^rd March, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres took to Twitter to call on governments, private companies and local authorities to immediately initiate three measures to mitigate climate change: Cancel all coal projects in the pipeline; end coal plant financing and invest only in renewable energy; and, jumpstart a global effort to a ‘just transition’ from carbon to non-carbon energy sources.

On the face of it, this was an unexceptionable call from the high priest of the UN to the global laity to rise in support of an important cause. But if we were to scratch the surface of the Secretary-General’s words, we would see that his call was little more than virtue-signalling.

For, there is nothing ‘just’ about the transition that he has sought without delay. Implicit in his call is the immoral proposition to disregard poverty, despair and the yawning development deficit between nations as he places them all on the same plane. Inherent in this approach is the unedifying complicity of global institutions in foisting an arrangement founded in the belief that the poor in the developing world should underwrite the climate mitigation strategy of the developed world. The climate high priests need to realise that depriving the world’s poorest of their aspirations can never be ‘just’ climate action. It can be convenient and, hence, it has much appeal in many quarters.

The climate high priests need to realise that depriving the world’s poorest of their aspirations can never be ‘just’ climate action. It can be convenient and, hence, it has much appeal in many quarters

An Alternative Script

A waffle-free alternative script for those given to sermonising to the world would focus on three other aspects that may actually lead to faster transitions and more justice. First, an impassioned call to those who control capital—managers of pension, insurance and other funds—to ensure larger amounts of money leave the country of origin and flow to countries of deficit for building sustainable, climate resilient infrastructure of the future. The Climate Policy Initiative has calculated that less than a quarter of climate finance flows across national boundaries; in other words, the overwhelming majority of climate finance is raised for domestic projects. The states expected to disproportionately do more to battle climate change are located in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Yet, they are inadequately funded and financed and cost of capital in these places dampens the scope of action. It would be stressing the obvious to say that the frontline states cannot be expected to engage in this battle without adequate inflow of climate capital at the right price for climate action.

Second, the assessors of risk—the intractable credit rating agencies, the cash-rich central banks and the big boys of New York, London and Paris—who decide how much capital should flow in which direction, should be called upon to recalibrate their risk assessment mechanism. Let it be said, and said bluntly, that objective ‘climate risk’ outweighs subjective ‘political risk’ which prevents the flow of capital to key climate action geographies. Risk must be reassessed objectively. Till then, the highfalutin sermons of the Pontiffs of Climate would be mere lip service, which none among the Climate Laity would bother to take seriously.

Third, and, perhaps, the most ‘just’ proposition the Secretary-General could make, would be a moral directive to all Western nations to shut down coal plants and fossil fuel- based enterprises immediately and entirely abandon carbon-fuelled energy for any purpose. After all, green energy sources need room to grow and space to mature and the OECD nations must allow this at warp speed. It is farcical to deny coal plants to countries that are still struggling to claw their way up the development ladder and demand that they turn carbon neutral while thousands of units and homes belch and blow climate emissions every day in rich economies. What is good for the rich cannot be bad for the poor.

Rich countries have failed to reduce their share of fossil fuel emissions. CSEP’s Rahul Tongia has calculated that the top emitting countries in terms of per capita emissions (nations above the global average emissions) still account for about 80 per cent of global Fossil CO2.  He further explains that the absolute emissions of these countries are rising even when measured in 2019. The rich took more than their fair share historically, and are still doing so. Any ‘Just Transition’ must involve evicting the squatters occupying carbon space to the detriment of others. Buying this space from the poorer is not ‘just’; it is another perverse business model based on extraction and mercantilism of centuries past.

Any ‘Just Transition’ must involve evicting the squatters occupying carbon space to the detriment of others. Buying this space from the poorer is not ‘just’; it is another perverse business model based on extraction and mercantilism of centuries past

In the run-up to COP26 at Glasgow, we are witnessing a new passion play of countries making a dramatic show of embracing the idea of Net Zero economies in the coming decades. The script of this passion play draws on starkly evocative narratives that seek to catalyse action through theatrical terms such as ‘climate emergency’. From appropriating the voice of the powerless to acquire legitimacy and crafting compelling narratives through a new cohort of well-funded ambassadors to push the envelope on climate change policy approaches, we are seeing varied actors engaging with climate issues in different ways. These different efforts have a common design, the economic objective of socialising the cost of climate action and making the poor carry the can for the rich.

That said, some facts are irrefutable. The last decade has been the warmest in recorded human history and its effects are visible to all. In February this year, an iceberg larger than New York City broke off the frozen Antarctic  and my just be a prelude to what lies ahead. Indeed, the possibility of the Arctic turning into a benign waterway in the near future can no longer be ruled out. It would require extraordinary un-intelligence to argue that global warming and its fallout can be mitigated by business-as-usual decision-making. But even as there is trans-world consensus on climate change and its impact, many would and must disagree on the proposed burden-sharing and distribution of responsibilities as we respond as a collective.

The India Imperative

India will be significantly affected by climate change in the coming decades. It is already feeling the heat and is combatting challenges from its mountains to its coasts due to shifting weather cycles and changing climate. It needs clearheaded policies, backed by political will, on this single most important issue that will impact its growth, its stability and the very integrity of its geography comprising a multitude of topographies.

This is happening at a moment when India is poised to exit the low-income orbit and take off on a trajectory towards becoming a middle-income country. Its journey from a US $3 trillion economy to a US $10 trillion economy coincides with ongoing climate action, polarising climate debate and climate-impacted economics. India can neither isolate itself from this reality, nor can it be reticent or timid in making its choices known to the world. India cannot be a receiver of decisions made elsewhere; it has to be on the high table, co-authoring decisions implicating its future.

For India, the moment offers three opportunities in these challenging times. First, India has to prepare itself through its policies, politics and internal rearrangements to seize and realise the single biggest global opportunity of leading a global effort to mitigate emissions of the future. The IEA, in its India Energy Outlook 2021 Report, estimates that India’s emissions could rise as much as 50 percent by 2040—the largest of any country, in which case India would trail behind only China in terms carbon dioxide emissions. This need not happen and is an opportunity for India and the World.

India must grab this chance to lower its future emissions through the right investments, technologies and global partnerships. The developed world, too, must make a matching response: Just like the Marshall Plan invested billions to rebuild post-War Europe with Germany at its heart, a new age Climate Marshall Plan must see India at its core. India must prepare and offer itself as the single biggest climate mitigation opportunity for the world and the most important green investment destination.

The developed world, too, must make a matching response: Just like the Marshall Plan invested billions to rebuild post-War Europe with Germany at its heart, a new age Climate Marshall Plan must see India at its core

Second, neither the world nor India should forget the dictum that on climate, India solves for the world. The solutions that India experiments with and implements successfully will be fit to be repurposed for other developing countries with similar geo-topographical conditions and economic sensitivities. Many of them are frontline countries in the climate battle.

India can and must become the hub of climate action for this decade and beyond, offering services, technology and infrastructure through climate supply chains that span the developing world. The International Solar Alliance is just a modest beginning. The future holds multiple opportunities. The country must lead the charge through building financial institutions that will support and sustain green transitions and helping create green workforces fit for purpose for the coming decades, amongst others.

Third, as India celebrates 75 years of its independence in 2022 and leads the G20 in 2023, it has the chance to make its most significant identity shift. India moved from being a British colonial state to a free nation in 1947, and then moved from being perceived as a land of snake-charmers to becoming an internationally acknowledged technology hub at the turn of the century. This decade offers the chance for it to emerge first as aUS $5 trillion and then as aUS $10 trillion economy that will be green and low carbon in its evolution – the first large green economy of the fourth industrial revolution.

India’s expectations from Glasgow COP26 should be uncluttered—its single purpose must be to catalyse global flows and investments to India and other emerging economies. If India fails to attract investments, the markets will clearly have not signed on to the climate agenda. In this effort, India needs a leg-up from the Climate Pontiffs.

Perpetuation of global poverty and low incomes cannot be the rich world’s climate mitigation strategy. ‘Net Zero’ should not seek this end state. On the contrary, investing in the emerging world’s green transition is the only way to build a ‘just’ world. The UN Secretary-General could help ensure that the largest pool of new money flows to where the climate battle will be fought—in India and in the emerging world. That would be a just transition and an efficient one.

Read the original article on ORF online’s website.

Le360 (avec MAP) – 25/03/2021

L’Union européenne (UE) est appelée à jouer un “rôle de premier plan” dans la relance des pourparlers entre les parties pour le règlement définitif du conflit autour du Sahara, a affirmé l’ancienne ministre espagnole des Affaires étrangères, Ana Palacio.

Le statu quo au Sahara -et au Maghreb plus largement- ne peut pas durer, a relevé l’ancienne cheffe de la diplomatie espagnole, dans une chronique publiée récemment par l’organisation médiatique internationale “Project Syndicate”, basée à Prague, notant que “la guerre, si elle revenait, alimenterait l’instabilité dans toute la région”.

Revenant sur la reconnaissance par les Etats-Unis de la souveraineté pleine et entière du Maroc sur ses Provinces du Sud, elle a relevé que les “USA ne sont pas les seuls à soutenir le Maroc dans le différend du Sahara”.

“A la fin de 2020, 18 pays d’Afrique subsaharienne et du Golfe avaient ouvert, ou exprimé leur intention d’ouvrir, des consulats au Sahara, impliquant une reconnaissance tacite de la souveraineté marocaine”, a-t-elle expliqué. De l’autre côté, a-t-elle indiqué, le Polisario a récemment contesté, sans succès, la légalité des exportations agricoles et des accords de pêche entre le Maroc et l’UE devant la Cour européenne de justice.

Elle affirme que “les Sahraouis sont pris en otage par le Polisario afin de soutenir le discours selon lequel le Maroc est un occupant, un discours qui n’est pas confirmé par le droit international”, soutenant qu’aucune des 69 résolutions du Conseil de sécurité sur le Sahara “ne fait référence à une occupation”.

Ces résolutions, a-t-elle précisé, appellent plutôt les parties à négocier un règlement politique. A rappeler que le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies a, dans ses résolutions, notamment la dernière (2548), insisté sur la solution politique réaliste, pragmatique et durable qui repose sur le compromis, pour le règlement du conflit artificiel autour du Sahara. Il consacre de ce fait la prééminence de la proposition marocaine d’autonomie qui recueille le soutien de la communauté internationale et que l’administration américaine estime, à juste titre, comme étant la base de toute solution politique.

Retrouvez cet article sur le site du 360.

Terranova – 16.03.2021

Par Jean Pisani-Ferry et Olivier Blanchard

SYNTHÈSE

La ville d’Anchorage en Alaska, avec ses températures polaires, tournée vers le Pacifique, a servi de décor adapté au climat de guerre froide qui règne entre la Chine et les Etats-Unis. Les deux pays, ont conclu vendredi deux jours de discussions “dures” mais “constructives” qui ont donné lieu au déballage inédit de leurs profonds désaccords, à l’image des tensions militaires et de la confrontation commerciale sans merci entre les deux premières puissances mondiales.

Les délégations chinoises et américaines face à face à Anchorage en Alaska. • ©Fred J Brown AFP

Symbole de ces tensions, la mer de Chine où s’observent désormais quotidiennement navires de guerre chinois et occidentaux. Cette route maritime, voit se croiser les exportations chinoises d’acier ou de batteries électriques, et les importations de matières premières venues d’Australie, d’Indonésie ou de Nouvelle-Calédonie pour le nickel. “Il y a une montée en puissance des tensions militaires dans la région qui s’ajoutent aux conflits commerciaux et ce sont les matières premières qui sont en première ligne” a estimé Philippe Chalmin, économiste et historien, fondateur du cercle Cyclope.

Chasseur F16 taïwanais escortant un bombardier à capacité nucléaire chinois H-6K dans le détroit de Formose. • ©AFP

Jeudi soir, après les durs échanges verbaux entre les délégations américaines et chinoises à Anchorage, les cours des matières premières avaient baissé par peur du risque ; ainsi pour le nickel qui était passé sous le seuil des 16.000 dollars la tonne.

Mais vendredi, oubliant le sommet américano-chinois de l’Alaska, les analystes londoniens prenaient connaissance, positivement, de l’information publiée par Nouvelle-Calédonie la 1ère annonçant la reprise progressive de l’activité de l’Usine du Sud (Goro Resources). Le nickel hydroxyde cake produit par le grand complexe industriel calédonien, l’un des plus importants au monde, est le principal composant utilisé dans l’industrie des batteries rechargeables, celle des véhicules électriques. La production serait principalement destinée aux constructeurs occidentaux. Elle n’irait pas en Chine…“L’Usine du Sud a produit 23.400 tonnes de nickel en 2019. Elle a la capacité de produire jusqu’à 60 000 tonnes par an de NHC” a rappelé Anna Stublum, stratégiste de Marex Spectron.

« Les opérations de lixiviation du nickel à l’acide, comme à Goro en Nouvelle-Calédonie, sont toujours bien meilleures pour l’environnement que la production de nickel par une filière de fonte ».

Lyle Trytten, expert canadien du nickel (Trytten Consulting Services)

Faut-il y voir un signe ? Les tensions qui opposent d’un côté les Etats-Unis et leurs alliés, et de l’autre la Chine, ne sont pas absentes non plus de la bataille qui se livre autour du nickel de la transition énergétique. Comme en réponse à la participation de l’Américain Tesla au renouveau de l’usine calédonienne, le conglomérat chinois Tsingshan a annoncé qu’il disposait d’une alternative pour fournir du nickel au marché des voitures électriques. Du nickel de qualité batterie à partir de Nickel Pig Iron, un processus métallurgique qui est critiqué pour son impact environnemental. “C’est cette information qui a entraîné la baisse substantielle du prix du nickel”, a rappelé le Metal Bulletin de Londres. Comme une illustration de la “compétition rude” qui oppose la Chine et les occidentaux, selon les termes utilisées par la délégation américaine à Anchorage.

Usine du Sud (nickel et cobalt) Vale Nouvelle-Calédonie

Cours du nickel au LME de Londres 16.262 dollars/tonne +1,56 % (-17,24 % sur un mois)

Retrouvez l’article complet sur le site de La 1ère – France TV Info.